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Hitler proved an able, courageous soldier, receiving the Iron Cross First Class for bravery, but did not rise above the rank of Lance Corporal. Twice wounded, he was badly gassed four weeks before the end of the war and spent three months recuperating in a hospital in Pomerania. Temporarily blinded and driven to impotent rage by the abortive November revolution in Germany as well as the military defeat, Hitler, once restored, was convinced that fate had chosen him to rescue a humiliated nation from the shackles of the Versailles Treaty, from Bolsheviks and Jews.

On September Hitler was a 5' 9", skinny pound no one knows because he refused to undress for medical examinations , brown-haired Austrian. Hitler was a vegetarian who did not smoke or drink. Morell helped him with all three problems. From the date they met in until April , Hitler had absolute confidence in Morell. Besides resisting a complete physical, Hitler refused to be X-rayed.

He demanded injections of invigorating and tranquilizing drugs, complained of headaches, stomach aches, constipation and diarrhea, constant colds, insomnia and many other discomforts. He described every pain very carefully and he complained bitterly. Schenck said Hitler was prescribed 92 different medications, some of which had not been scientifically tested.

Morell owned companies that manufactured 20 of the drugs. But he was psychologically dependent upon the idea of drugs as magic. Before he died, Hitler was seen shaking, which may have been a result of Parkinson disease or withdrawal from drugs. Another historian, Ian Kershaw, said Hitler avoided sexual activity because he feared catching an infection.

Others, however, have said he had a healthy sex life and was involved with several women, most notably his mistress Eva Braun and contrary to some reports, he never contracted syphilis. Schenck also had an answer to the question of whether Hitler was insane. He had a political obsession that led him to attempt insane things.

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The German people followed him because, like Hitler, they believed that they were surrounded by dangerous enemies. By November , Hitler was recognized as Fuhrer of a movement which had 3, members and boosted his personal power by organizing strong- arm squads to keep order at his meetings and break up those of his opponents.

Its ultimate goal must implacably be the total removal of the Jews. By November , Hitler was convinced that the Weimar Republic was on the verge of collapse and, together with General Ludendorff and local nationalist groups, sought to overthrow the Bavarian government in Munich. The failure of the Beer-Hall putsch and his period of imprisonment transformed Hitler from an incompetent adventurer into a shrewd political tactician, who henceforth decided that he would never again confront the gun barrels of army and police until they were under his command.

Hitler's Foreign Policy Aims - The Lead Up To WW2 - GCSE History

He concluded that the road to power lay not through force alone but through legal subversion of the Weimar Constitution, the building of a mass movement and the combination of parliamentary strength with extra-parliamentary street terror and intimidation. Helped by Goering and Goebbels he began to reassemble his followers and rebuild the movement which had disintegrated in his absence. In January , the ban on the Nazi Party was removed and Hitler regained permission to speak in public.

Avoiding rigid, programmatic definitions of National Socialism which would have undermined the charismatic nature of his legitimacy and his claim to absolute leadership, Hitler succeeded in extending his appeal beyond Bavaria and attracting both Right and Left to his movement. Though the Nazi Party won only twelve seats in the elections, the onset of the Great Depression with its devastating effects on the middle classes helped Hitler to win over all those strata in German society who felt their economic existence was threatened.

9 Things You Might Not Know About Adolf Hitler | bodcidelijphae.ml

With the backing of the press tycoon, Alfred Hugenberg, Hitler received a tremendous nationwide exposure just as the effects of the world economic crisis hit Germany, producing mass unemployment, social dissolution, fear and indignation. In the elections, the Nazi vote jumped dramatically from , to 6,, The following month Hitler officially acquired German citizenship and decided to run for the Presidency, receiving 13,, votes in the run-off elections of April 10, , as against 19,, votes for the victorious von Hindenburg, but four times the vote for the communist candidate, Ernst Thaelmann.

In the Reichstag elections of July , the Nazis emerged as the largest political party in Germany, obtaining nearly fourteen million votes Once in the saddle, Hitler moved with great speed to outmaneuver his rivals, virtually ousting the conservatives from any real participation in government by July , abolishing the free trade unions, eliminating the communists, Social Democrats and Jews from any role in political life and sweeping opponents into concentration camps.

The destruction of the radical SA leadership under Ernst Rohm in the Blood Purge of June confirmed Hitler as undisputed dictator of the Third Reich and by the beginning of August, when he united the positions of Fuhrer and Chancellor on the death of von Hindenburg, he had all the powers of State in his hands. Avoiding any institutionalization of authority and status which could challenge his own undisputed position as supreme arbiter, Hitler allowed subordinates like Himmler , Goering and Goebbels to mark out their own domains of arbitrary power while multiplying and duplicating offices to a bewildering degree.

They tightened their grip on information and advocated more dangerous policies. Sometimes they wanted to affect policy outcomes more in line with their individual worldviews. And sometimes they reacted out of fear.

This is a book about power and its limitations. It is a study of how the control of knowledge—or information—affected decision making in Nazi Germany. The common perception of a dictator is of a man who rules with an iron fist.

He decides independently what course he will take, he outlines policy, and his orders are obeyed. The actual power of a dictator, of course, is far more limited—limited in part by the information at his disposal. Once a leader ceases to make rational decisions, as was increasingly the case with Hitler during the war, the flow of information becomes far less relevant.

This is not to suggest that the more in- formation an individual possesses, the better his decisions will necessarily be.

Reporting on Hitler: how foreign correspondents in Nazi Germany battled to expose the truth

However, the less he receives vital information, the more his options will be limited. The book draws on a range of sources from several countries and languages, including newly available KGB archives and records from the former East Germany. It is impossible to reconstitute all the influences that affected decision makers.

How can the historian know of the important telephone call about which Neurath made no record but which shaped his position on a particular issue, or of the hushed conversation made in ministry corridors that no one chose to record, or of the incriminating document that someone deliberately destroyed? This they could only do from within the government, since opposition from without appeared futile.

Some must have felt beholden to principles of duty and service to the Fatherland and believed that resignation would be a betrayal of this sacred oath. Or is that how they rationalized their inability to resign in protest? Still others came gradually, and far more gradually than one might expect, to sabotage the regime, and some of these men paid with their lives. What kept them on? The first chapter asks how Germany came to form an agreement with its hated rival, Poland, and why the men in the Foreign Ministry supported it. In the eyes of many Germans, including the diplomats, Poland was a hated reminder of their loss in World War I, created by the Allies out of German territory, and the notion of an alliance with the Poles was repugnant to them.

Why did Foreign Ministry officials seem to change their views so dramatically on this cornerstone of German foreign policy? Standing outside the burning building, and accusing the Communists of starting the blaze, Hitler shrieked uncontrollably: There will be no mercy now. Anyone who stands in our way will be cut down. The German people will not tolerate leniency. Every Communist official will be shot where he is found. The Communist deputies must be hanged this very night. There will no longer be any leniency for the Social Democrats either.

She tells how in her school in Meissen all are bowing down to the swastika, are trembling for their jobs, watching and distrusting one another. A young man with a swastika comes into the school on some official errand or other. A class of fourteen-year-olds immediately begins singing the Horst Wessel Song. Singing in the corridor is not allowed.


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If I forbid this bawling, it will be said that I have taken action against the national song, and I will be out on my ear. No one fears for their lives yet, but for bread and freedom. The garden of a Communist in Heidenau is dug up. There is supposed to be a machine-gun in it. Nothing is found. To squeeze a confession out of him he is beaten to death.

The corpse brought to the hospital. Boot marks on the stomach. Fist-sized holes in the back.

Germany's Nazi Past: Why Germans Can Never Escape Hitler's Shadow

Post-mortem results: cause of death dysentery. And not only enemies of the state were at risk. Imagine the maddening uncertainty that ordinary Germans must have experienced as they wondered what evidence might be found that could place them or their families in jeopardy. The diplomats were no more immune to the climate of fear than any other Germans. In fact, many had greater cause for concern as most of the upper-level officials were not Nazi Party members. Rather, the Weimar-era diplomats were drawn from an elite social class and had trained in a ministry with a rich and rigid tradition.

Even among the other government ministries, the Foreign Ministry held a position of prominence and prestige. As a result, an expanding middle class of entrepreneurs and professionals was brought in to handle the pressing reparations and disarmament issues after World War I. Despite these reforms, the aristocratic nobility still held a dominant position over political decision making. While a hierarchical structure existed under the Weimar-era ministry, high-level officials could disagree and not suffer extreme consequences.

After Hitler seized power, Alfred Rosenberg seemed poised to replace the aristocratic Neurath as foreign minister. But President von Hindenburg insisted on preserving Neurath in his post. Each of the four new institutions, led by ambitious men, struggled to gain access to the information essential to conducting policy. Neurath understandably rejected this proposal and succeeded in thwarting its implementation. Established to discover Nazi enemies, the intrusive instrument produced caution and fear among many, but it did not halt all risky communication.

But those calls did not remain secret for very long.

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Joseph Goebbels also made an early bid for information control. Goebbels did manage to intervene in foreign affairs during the initial stages of the Nazi regime, but he quickly receded into domestic affairs as his Ministry for Public Enlightenment and Propaganda consumed his activities. The AO initially proved troublesome to Neurath, who received complaints from diplomats in foreign countries being harassed by AO officials seeking to exert Nazi Party authority over them. Because their power stemmed overwhelmingly from the information they controlled, and because their rivals constantly sought to wrest that information from them, the diplomats developed a near obsessive need to control the information flow.

Hitler wrote remarkably little about a specific Polish policy in Mein Kampf. But in his secret second book, the one he never intended for publication, he referred more frequently to the Poles, yet still did not directly mention forming a pact with them. Given these principles, it is possible that Hitler had Poland already in mind as a would-be ally.